Paula Tsui/徐小鳳 風雨同路

Tat Ming Pair/達明一派 - 繼續追尋

totally feeling 明哥’s luscious locks

equanimity idol

equanimity idol

Beyond - 永遠等待

so HK right naw

Hillary Clinton, Sir Bow-Tie, and a (semi-)naked man-with-fire: someone’s been reading my dream diaries

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Fallen Angels / 墮落天使

我知呢條路唔係好遠,好快我會落車。 不過呢一分鐘,我覺得好暖。

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Leslie Cheung - 十號風球

想要高 要飛到最高
要下跌 便跌落最低

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PixelToy - 啦啦啦啦啦

珍惜瞬間 啦啦啦啦
努力尋樂 啦啦啦啦

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Days of Being Wild / 阿飛正傳

你今晚發夢會見到我.

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Little Dragon - Runabout

1) why didn’t I get around to listening to them until now?

2) I want to eat 焗豬排飯 and all others things Hong Kong

3) the tram

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The Wall Street Journal - Hong Kong Faces Renewed Pressure Over Its Housing

"This is no place for humans," said Yang Lianchun, scanning the 150-square-foot subdivided unit she shares with her husband and two young children in the Sham Shui Po district in Kowloon. A stove, desk, refrigerator and bunk bed take up most of the space. One tiny window provides ventilation.
Ms. Yang moved to Hong Kong several years ago from mainland China. Her family pays about 4,000 Hong Kong dollars, or about US$500, a month in rent, the bulk of their income.
She said the difficulty of finding adequate housing turned her into an activist. She recently represented a grass-roots campaign for affordable housing in a meeting with senior government officials.
With demand for housing so hot, landlords are scrambling to take advantage. Subdivided apartments aren’t illegal in Hong Kong, but they are subject to structural and fire-safety regulations. Yet some landlords have turned fire escape routes into parts of their rental space, surveyors say, threatening tenants’ safety.
When last month’s fire ripped through the building, some tenants couldn’t find a way out and survivors complained of locked emergency exits.
Another fire on Monday at the Chungking Mansions, a complex of shops, hostels and partitioned flats in Kowloon’s key shopping district, resulted in no deaths.
The best way to make housing more affordable, say some analysts, is to increase the land supply designated for housing. Less than 7% of Hong Kong’s land is designated for residential use, according to official data. Woodlands, grasslands and wetlands constitute 67% of the city’s 1,108 square kilometers.
"Hong Kong isn’t short of land," said Chau Kwong-wing, chair professor of real estate and construction at the University of Hong Kong. "Our land-use design has failed to catch up with the changes in society."
The government has restricted land use to keep prices high so that it can collect more revenue when it sells tracts, said Alice Poon, a former executive at a Hong Kong real estate developer and author of “Land and the Ruling Class in Hong Kong.” The government’s “over-reliance on land-sale revenue for its fiscal health is the root problem of its land and housing policies,” she said.

c/o Hemlock
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The Wall Street Journal - Hong Kong Faces Renewed Pressure Over Its Housing

"This is no place for humans," said Yang Lianchun, scanning the 150-square-foot subdivided unit she shares with her husband and two young children in the Sham Shui Po district in Kowloon. A stove, desk, refrigerator and bunk bed take up most of the space. One tiny window provides ventilation.

Ms. Yang moved to Hong Kong several years ago from mainland China. Her family pays about 4,000 Hong Kong dollars, or about US$500, a month in rent, the bulk of their income.

She said the difficulty of finding adequate housing turned her into an activist. She recently represented a grass-roots campaign for affordable housing in a meeting with senior government officials.

With demand for housing so hot, landlords are scrambling to take advantage. Subdivided apartments aren’t illegal in Hong Kong, but they are subject to structural and fire-safety regulations. Yet some landlords have turned fire escape routes into parts of their rental space, surveyors say, threatening tenants’ safety.

When last month’s fire ripped through the building, some tenants couldn’t find a way out and survivors complained of locked emergency exits.

Another fire on Monday at the Chungking Mansions, a complex of shops, hostels and partitioned flats in Kowloon’s key shopping district, resulted in no deaths.

The best way to make housing more affordable, say some analysts, is to increase the land supply designated for housing. Less than 7% of Hong Kong’s land is designated for residential use, according to official data. Woodlands, grasslands and wetlands constitute 67% of the city’s 1,108 square kilometers.

"Hong Kong isn’t short of land," said Chau Kwong-wing, chair professor of real estate and construction at the University of Hong Kong. "Our land-use design has failed to catch up with the changes in society."

The government has restricted land use to keep prices high so that it can collect more revenue when it sells tracts, said Alice Poon, a former executive at a Hong Kong real estate developer and author of “Land and the Ruling Class in Hong Kong.” The government’s “over-reliance on land-sale revenue for its fiscal health is the root problem of its land and housing policies,” she said.

c/o Hemlock

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Hemlock (Time Out Hong Kong) - The next boss of Hong Kong

In one year’s time, on July 1, 2012, Hong Kong’s next Chief Executive will commence his or her first five-year term. This will follow an election for the post in March. It will be an election with a twist. Only 0.017 percent of the city’s population, or 1,200 people out of seven million, will have a vote. It gets weirder: all of us will know who the winner is before a single vote is cast, let alone counted. We will have known for months. Indeed, many of us are already pretty sure who the winner will be.

In December 2011, the charade will officially start when around 200,000 Hongkongers will be eligible to choose some of the 1,200 members of an electoral college. This event will go by the riveting title of the 2011 Election Committee Subsector Elections, and if you belong to a professional or community association you may find candidates groveling for your vote so they can be one of the 1,200 who will (barring panda bear attacks) go through the motions and pretend to elect Henry in March.

The ‘subsectors’ are commercial, trade, community, political and even religious groupings, which is how the Election Committee they elect gets its official description of ‘broadly representative’. In fact (using the 2007 figures as a guide), 88,000 teachers will be allowed to elect 30 of their profession to the 1,200; while fewer than 300 top bankers and insurers (many with Mainland interests) will elect 36. Small, unrepresentative groups like tycoons and leftist cultural organisations will choose the bulk of the Election Committee, and Beijing-appointed local deputies to national assemblies will make up another chunk. Teachers and other normal, regular folk who think for themselves will be penned up in a little box accounting for just 15 percent or so of the 1,200. They might as well not bother, and indeed some will boycott the whole thing.The exact composition and voting power of all these subsectors are painstakingly calculated to produce an electoral college that is a totally reliable rubber stamp. This is of course the same system used to elect the functional constituency representatives who occupy half the seats in the Legislative Council, giving Beijing a guaranteed veto over anything democratically elected lawmakers might vote for. The decks are stacked from the start.


Meanwhile, the farce will continue after CY, Rita and Regina step back and Henry grandly launches his make-believe election bid. He will appoint a tycoon or retired senior civil servant as campaign manager and release a supposed platform of pledges and a slogan – all as lame and unconvincing as you would expect when no effort is required because the prize is simply being handed over on a plate. He will ride on open-top buses, visit working people’s homes and kiss babies. In democracies, infants often cry in fear when politicians cuddle them; in Hong Kong they look stupefied and wonder what’s the point when their parents are not allowed to vote.



The Chief Executive election in March next year will be a grand affair in a convention centre hall, with grinning tycoons and self-important nonentities proudly completing their ballots, and election officials tallying the results on a big whiteboard for the TV cameras. If there is only one candidate, they will choose between ticking ‘support’ or ‘not support’. Casino tycoon Stanley Ho, presumably seeking brownie points from the nation’s capital, took it upon himself to warn participants last time that Beijing officials could identify each voter’s ballot sheet, but the advice was unnecessary: no loyalist, of sound mind at least, ticks the wrong box.


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Hemlock (Time Out Hong Kong) - The next boss of Hong Kong

In one year’s time, on July 1, 2012, Hong Kong’s next Chief Executive will commence his or her first five-year term. This will follow an election for the post in March. It will be an election with a twist. Only 0.017 percent of the city’s population, or 1,200 people out of seven million, will have a vote. It gets weirder: all of us will know who the winner is before a single vote is cast, let alone counted. We will have known for months. Indeed, many of us are already pretty sure who the winner will be.

In December 2011, the charade will officially start when around 200,000 Hongkongers will be eligible to choose some of the 1,200 members of an electoral college. This event will go by the riveting title of the 2011 Election Committee Subsector Elections, and if you belong to a professional or community association you may find candidates groveling for your vote so they can be one of the 1,200 who will (barring panda bear attacks) go through the motions and pretend to elect Henry in March.

The ‘subsectors’ are commercial, trade, community, political and even religious groupings, which is how the Election Committee they elect gets its official description of ‘broadly representative’. In fact (using the 2007 figures as a guide), 88,000 teachers will be allowed to elect 30 of their profession to the 1,200; while fewer than 300 top bankers and insurers (many with Mainland interests) will elect 36. Small, unrepresentative groups like tycoons and leftist cultural organisations will choose the bulk of the Election Committee, and Beijing-appointed local deputies to national assemblies will make up another chunk. Teachers and other normal, regular folk who think for themselves will be penned up in a little box accounting for just 15 percent or so of the 1,200. They might as well not bother, and indeed some will boycott the whole thing.

The exact composition and voting power of all these subsectors are painstakingly calculated to produce an electoral college that is a totally reliable rubber stamp. This is of course the same system used to elect the functional constituency representatives who occupy half the seats in the Legislative Council, giving Beijing a guaranteed veto over anything democratically elected lawmakers might vote for. The decks are stacked from the start.

Meanwhile, the farce will continue after CY, Rita and Regina step back and Henry grandly launches his make-believe election bid. He will appoint a tycoon or retired senior civil servant as campaign manager and release a supposed platform of pledges and a slogan – all as lame and unconvincing as you would expect when no effort is required because the prize is simply being handed over on a plate. He will ride on open-top buses, visit working people’s homes and kiss babies. In democracies, infants often cry in fear when politicians cuddle them; in Hong Kong they look stupefied and wonder what’s the point when their parents are not allowed to vote.

The Chief Executive election in March next year will be a grand affair in a convention centre hall, with grinning tycoons and self-important nonentities proudly completing their ballots, and election officials tallying the results on a big whiteboard for the TV cameras. If there is only one candidate, they will choose between ticking ‘support’ or ‘not support’. Casino tycoon Stanley Ho, presumably seeking brownie points from the nation’s capital, took it upon himself to warn participants last time that Beijing officials could identify each voter’s ballot sheet, but the advice was unnecessary: no loyalist, of sound mind at least, ticks the wrong box.

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Chin Tangerine - Who’s Afraid of Ai Wei Wei?

At three o’clock on Wednesday morning, the air beneath the Central Mid-Levels Escalator became thick with the fumes of spray paint as a young university student left a message on the escalator’s pillars: “Who’s afraid of Ai Wei Wei?”

Over the past week, the student, nicknamed Chin, has blitzed some of Hong Kong’s most high-profile locations with the message and hand-cut stencil portraits of Ai, the Beijing-based artist and activist who was arrested on April 3rd while attempting to board a flight to Hong Kong.

Now Chin is on the run from the Hong Kong police’s Regional Crime Unit, which normally investigates serious crimes like rape and murder. She risks being charged with criminal damage, which carries a maximum penalty of 10 years in jail. But she says she remains unbowed.

“It will be worth it if just one person sees what I’ve done and asks themselves, ‘Why should Ai Wei Wei be silenced?’’” she said.

“What I’m doing is not random tagging. I expected there to be an investigation at some point, especially since there is a political message here. If I am arrested, I have trust in the Hong Kong legal system that my case can be heard fairly. In the worst case scenario, I know that I might have to pay a fine and go to jail, and I’m prepared for that.”

super rad

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Anthony Wong/黃耀明 - 再見二丁目

轉街過巷就如滑過浪潮
聽天說地仍然剩我心跳
關於你冥想不了可免都免掉
情和慾留待下個化身燃燒

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